The annual Black History observance is a reflection of the political moment, so in what ways can we modernize it?
This is Black History Month in the United Kingdom, and it feels like it’s time for a reassessment. Over the years, an observance that was initiated as a commemorative event of history, culture and the connections between international African diaspora communities, has adopted a business-like atmosphere, growing to encompass functions where individuals of African heritage are remunerated to address predominantly white listeners about “unconscious bias” and supportive partnership. The demonstrations for racial justice in the 2020s sparked an increase in the industry of showcasing anti-racist commitment. But even that moment has passed. The wave has peaked, producing a diluted aftermath of what raising awareness is for.
The Background of Black History Observance
Originally observed in the America and its northern neighbor, Black History Month was created in 1962 as an observance of African American heritage by African American historian Carter G. Woodson with multiple days of remembrance and recognition in the second week of February. Black History Month evolved from this initiative and was officially launched in 1970. Today it is observed not only in the North America in winter, but also in October in the UK, Germany, Éire and the the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
The period has transformed since those days, giving reduced attention to the histories of the slave trade across the Atlantic and civil rights battles, and more on notable African descendants in public life, creative fields, and advocacy, and broadly celebrating the impact Black people have made to shape the country. It is in educational institutions where Black History Month is most commonly celebrated, with discussions and heritage festivities. But the manner the observance is celebrated is a reflection of the political moment. How it progresses is a instructive case in how assimilation leads to erosion: the restructuring of Black History Month has hindered the objective of it, which is to address structural and organizational discrimination.
A Jarring Moment
Hardly anything shows how critical it is to reconsider Black History Month better than the current time in which it falls this year. In the UK, a reemerging right-wing in the form of the Reform party is top in opinion ratings. In the recent season we witnessed the most significant ultra-conservative gathering in the UK's past. Kemi Badenoch, the African descendant in charge of the right-wing political group, is a firm opponent of anti-racism activism, and we are in a position where a elected representative feels empowered to say that “not seeing any white faces” in certain urban areas is a reason for concern. At the same time, extreme conservative groups are expanding in the European continent as a whole.
In the America, a colossal assault against diversity initiatives and positive discrimination has been taken, frequently with success, to the top legal institutions of the state. A drive to erase Black history and experience from the archives is ongoing. One of Donald Trump's first executive orders targeted the institution dedicated to Black heritage, and the Smithsonian Institution, alleging that they of a coordinated and broad attempt to alter the country's historical narrative” by portraying America “as naturally discriminatory”.
Given these circumstances, the celebration illustrates how minimally it can be impactful if it is restricted to either dutiful corporate observances, or politically neutered commemorations of contributions in the past, rather than addressing the situation of the present. It also shows how its short period means that it is disconnected from the wider consistent effort that is necessary. An academic expert, a educator at University of Greenwich, articulated it most accurately when she raised concerns about the temporary “tokenism” of the celebration. “The difficulty with taking a tokenistic approach”, she wrote, “is that it typically leads to that Black History Month turns into a transient display rather than a driver of transformation.”
Reconsidering, Not Discarding
Determining how to alter, change and broaden actions for racial equality and recognition in such times of discouragement and concern is a treacherous thing. There is a urge to just discontinue things like Black History Month entirely, assuming they are simply not fit for purpose, or are relics of an time that has failed to deliver.
But despite everything, Black History Month, and in fact the entire extended network and legacy of racial movements – grassroots Black Lives Matter organisations, inclusion and equity efforts, and yes, even those talks to businesses – represent an foundation that a considerable labor has gone into. It is there not just to decay as the situation evolves (and in fact, declines), but to be a vital organism.
So what would a fresh vibrant Black History Month look like? To begin with, it would be not just one concentrated month: something that is distributed throughout the annual calendar (as certain organizations are already starting to implement), elements of its material (particularly around notable African descendants) incorporated into educational programs. It would also be a time that does not avoid governmental matters, and leaves space for people, particularly young people, to express their concerns and stories. What purpose serves simple recognition of the history when it doesn’t reckon with the current situation of extreme conservative demonstrations in the urban areas? Organizations who celebrate it should not be pacified with the non-confrontational words of “unconscious bias” and alertness to subtle slights, but challenged by the threats that affect everyone if fight against prejudice is not taken seriously. To summarize, Black History Month should be made contemporary, critical, and reactive. Perhaps an entire name rebrand is required – Black History is Now Month.
